Tories
Out! General election now
Fight for a 24 hour general
strike
Hannah Sell, Socialist Party
deputy general secretary
"The
referendum result may well go down in history as the pitchfork moment",
declared the Financial Times (FT), wailing the anger and despair of Britain's
elite at the decision by the majority of voters in Britain to leave the European
Union.
For the
capitalist class in Britain and across the EU as a whole, this is a major blow
described by the FT as "the biggest setback in the EU's history".
For
British capitalism in particular it is a terrible defeat. It could lead to the
break-up of the United Kingdom if there is another vote for independence in
Scotland, and also lead to the collapse of the Tory Party, once among the most
successful capitalist parties on the planet.
It is
also possible that the Labour Party could split in the aftermath of 23 June as
the pro-business right plot to remove Jeremy Corbyn. Politics has been thrown
into turmoil.
Many of
the seventeen million people who voted for exit, however, will have woken up
with a sense of elation that they had been able to express their rage at
everything they have suffered as a result of big business making the working
class pay for the economic crisis in recent years: low pay, zero hour
contracts, benefit cuts, the lack of affordable housing, and public services
cut to the bone.
What is
more, by doing so they have forced Cameron - the hated prime minister - to
announce his resignation.
Not only
in Britain but across Europe many workers have been inspired by this vote
against the bosses' EU. There is no doubt that many workers in Greece, whose
living standards have been devastated at the hands of the institutions of the
EU, will have been cheering at the result of the referendum.
In
response to the referendum result, the financial markets are in upheaval, with
sterling plunging to its lowest levels for thirty years. In part this is
because the financiers, the 'masters of the universe', had arrogantly
calculated that their choice would win the day, and so were not prepared for
the Brexit victory.
The
gyrations of the financial markets will not necessarily be immediately
reflected in a new crisis in the 'real' economy, either in Britain or
worldwide. However, the referendum debate has been used by Chancellor Osborne
to distract from the signs of a new stage of economic crisis for both UK and
world capitalism, which is developing regardless of Brexit, and can be added to
by the shockwaves caused by the referendum result.
Project
fear
During
the referendum 'project fear' reached gigantic proportions. Economic
catastrophe, third world war and the fear of an increase in racism and
intolerance were all used to try and browbeat voters into supporting 'Remain'.
Legitimate fears around these issues were major factors in why 48% of people
did decide to vote for Remain. In particular it appears that a majority of
young people voted Remain partly because of fears that racism would grow if
there was a vote for exit.
Nonetheless,
it is incredible the number of people who voted for 'Leave' and used the
referendum as an opportunity to oppose the undemocratic, remote EU and to
protest; ignoring threats from the leaders of all of Britain's establishment
parties, plus every world leader from Obama to Merkel.
Incredibly
cynically, even the terrible murder of Labour MP and Remain campaigner Jo Cox
was used to try and increase the vote for Remain.
Without
doubt the dangerous atmosphere whipped up by right-wing politicians during the
referendum debate has increased the danger of racist and far-right attacks. But
it was not only the racism of the official Leave side, but also the constant
attacks on migrants by Cameron, with the Labour right wing even demanding that
he went further in the final days of the campaign! Regardless of the outcome of
the referendum, it would have been equally necessary for the workers' movement
to stand clearly for unity, against racism and in defence of the rights of
migrant workers in Britain.
At the
same time, it is completely false to suggest that the exit vote had - in the
main - a right wing or racist character. Of course, some of those who voted for
exit will have done so for racist or nationalist reasons, but the fundamental
character of the exit vote was it was a working class revolt.
Particularly with a referendum, where voters are given a binary 'yes or no' choice - there are bound to be different motivations among people who voted on both sides. But in fact no working class movement is 100% pure, completely without reactionary elements or sub-currents. It is the job of socialists to see what is primary - in this case a largely working class electoral uprising against the establishment.
In general, there was a correlation between the amounts of poverty in an area and there being a majority for exit. Scotland and Northern Ireland, where the referendum was seen differently, were exceptions. However, in England and Wales it was not only white working class areas, but also more ethnically diverse working class areas that voted to leave.
A majority in Bradford, with a high Asian population, for example voted for leave. Although in London - with a younger and relatively wealthier population - a majority voted for Remain, the number of 'Leavers' was much higher in poorer boroughs.
Particularly with a referendum, where voters are given a binary 'yes or no' choice - there are bound to be different motivations among people who voted on both sides. But in fact no working class movement is 100% pure, completely without reactionary elements or sub-currents. It is the job of socialists to see what is primary - in this case a largely working class electoral uprising against the establishment.
In general, there was a correlation between the amounts of poverty in an area and there being a majority for exit. Scotland and Northern Ireland, where the referendum was seen differently, were exceptions. However, in England and Wales it was not only white working class areas, but also more ethnically diverse working class areas that voted to leave.
A majority in Bradford, with a high Asian population, for example voted for leave. Although in London - with a younger and relatively wealthier population - a majority voted for Remain, the number of 'Leavers' was much higher in poorer boroughs.
In
Barking and Dagenham, where less than half of the population now identify as
white British, 62% of people voted to leave. In neighbouring Newham, one of the
poorest and also the most ethnically diverse area of the country, 47% voted to
leave.
While the scale of immigration became a central issue in the referendum campaign for the majority this was in the main not about opposing people who have come to Britain from other countries. Instead it was based on experience of employers using any means they can - including workers from other countries - to drive down wages, plus anger at the huge cuts that have taken place to public services and fear that they could not cope with a further increase in the population.
The fact that even Farage had to make clear that he did not favour any existing EU migrants losing their right to stay in the country is a reflection of that mood, although of course the workers' movement must fight to make sure that is the case.
While the scale of immigration became a central issue in the referendum campaign for the majority this was in the main not about opposing people who have come to Britain from other countries. Instead it was based on experience of employers using any means they can - including workers from other countries - to drive down wages, plus anger at the huge cuts that have taken place to public services and fear that they could not cope with a further increase in the population.
The fact that even Farage had to make clear that he did not favour any existing EU migrants losing their right to stay in the country is a reflection of that mood, although of course the workers' movement must fight to make sure that is the case.
This has
to be linked to a struggle for a £10 an hour minimum wage, the rate for the job
for all workers and opposition to cuts in public services as the only way to
defend the rights of all workers, regardless of their country of origin.
Expressing
anger
The
electoral uprising that has taken place was predicted by the Socialist Party.
As we explained in the document agreed at our national conference in March:
"Like the 2014 Scottish independence vote, it is possible that the EU
referendum could become a means by which many workers express their rage at continued
austerity. We have to pose the referendum in those terms, explaining that
voting 'Leave' could lead to the possibility of getting the Tories out."
Now, once
the referendum is over, this has been weakly recognised by Momentum, the
organisation initially set up to organise support for Jeremy Corbyn, when it
said: "Millions appear to have chosen 'Leave' to vote against the
unfettered globalisation that has seen living standards stagnate or fall, as
the cost of living rises." Unfortunately, however, they have only
recognised that today, having spent the referendum campaigning for Remain!
In fact,
the revolt took place despite the complete failure of the majority of leaders
of the trade union movement and, unfortunately, also Jeremy Corbyn to put an
independent working class position in the referendum by leading a socialist,
internationalist campaign for exit completely independent from and in
opposition to the 'Little Englanders' of UKIP and Co.
This is
what the Socialist Party did; explaining we are against the bosses' EU, which
acts in the interests of the 1%, but in favour of workers' solidarity across
the continent and standing for a voluntary socialist confederation of Europe.
Instead,
Frances O'Grady, general secretary of the TUC, appeared alongside the leader of
the Tories in Scotland, Ruth Davidson, without one word of criticism of the
Tory government.
Jeremy Corbyn
and John McDonnell did correctly refuse to appear alongside Tory politicians
but nonetheless were ruthlessly used by David Cameron to try and win a majority
for Remain and save his own skin.
In the
Observer (12 June 2016) David Cameron brazenly declared that he couldn't
"be accused of an establishment stitch-up" because he was
"saying listen to Jeremy Corbyn and the Green party".
The
political situation would have been transformed if Jeremy Corbyn had stuck by
his own historic position of opposition to the EU because, as he said at the
time of the Maastricht Treaty: "It takes away from national parliaments
the power to set economic policy and hands it over to an unelected set of
bankers."
A
campaign explaining how nationalisation of the railways or the steel industry
are illegal under EU law, and standing in solidarity with workers in Greece,
Ireland and the rest of the EU, could have increased the majority for exit and
forced not just Cameron's resignation but an immediate general election, with
the coming to power of a Jeremy Corbyn-led Labour government being posed.
The
complete absence of a mass working class voice in the referendum has left the
ground free to the ex-Tory ex-stockbroker Nigel Farage to falsely pose as the
voice of the 'little people'. In reality, of course, the divisive Little
Englander ideas of UKIP offer no way forward for working class people.
However,
despite the serious mistakes made by the majority of the leaders of the
workers' movement in the referendum campaign, it is not at all automatic that
UKIP and their ilk will be the gainers from it.
A clear
call now for an immediate general election could still lead to the coming to
power of a Jeremy Corbyn-led Labour government, especially if an anti-austerity
programme is put forward.
At the
same time, the trade union movement needs to go on the offensive against this
weak and divided Tory government, fighting for a 24-hour general strike to be
called against any new threats of austerity in the wake of Brexit.
The 91%
vote in favour of strike action by the teaching union, the NUT, gives an
indication of the mood that was developing even before the referendum. So did
the votes to demand councils implement no cuts budgets by the Unison and Unite
local government executives, the GMB conference and the Wales TUC.
Those
resolutions, however, now need to be turned into action. The National Shops
Stewards Network conference, taking place on 2 July, will be an important
opportunity for rank and file trade unionists to come together and discuss how
to build such a movement.
Of
course, for big business in Britain a Jeremy Corbyn-led Labour government is a
nightmare they will do their utmost to avoid, fearing the huge expectations it
would raise among working class people who have suffered years of austerity.
Therefore
the capitalist class and their loyal representatives on the Labour benches are
now, as we have warned, already attempting to lay the blame for the Brexit vote
at Jeremy Corbyn's door and use it as an excuse to move against him.
As we
write, two arch right-wing Labour MPs, Margaret Hodge and Anne Coffey, have
presented a motion of no confidence in Jeremy Corbyn to be debated by the
Parliamentary Labour Party.
Jeremy
Corbyn's election as Labour leader was an expression of the growing
anti-austerity mood in society. Although, unexpectedly, it found an expression
in the Labour Party leadership contest, this was primarily a movement from
outside of Labour, primarily of young people and some 'old Labour' returners,
who were looking for something different to the succession of party leaders -
Tory and New Labour - that have acted in the interests of the 1%.
Unfortunately,
however, from the beginning Jeremy Corbyn has been surrounded by a Blairite
Labour machine determined to undermine and remove him.
The last
months have shown, as we warned, that no compromise with these representatives
of the capitalist establishment is possible. On the contrary, any further
retreats by the Labour leadership would inevitably lead to an ebbing of support
for Jeremy Corbyn among those who have been enthused by his stance.
Instead
the challenge from the right should be met implacably and with determination.
Jeremy Corbyn rightly said that many had voted for Brexit in protest against
austerity.
Fight
austerity
He should
now launch a fight against austerity, with the programme which he stood for Labour
leader on as its starting point. This should include making clear that he
opposes austerity whoever it is implemented by: Brussels, Westminster or local
councils. Such a stand - including a £10 an hour minimum wage and mass council
housebuilding - would be able to enthuse not just those who elected him as
leader, but growing numbers of the workers however they voted in the
referendum.
The
capitalist class are facing a crisis; they are fumbling around to try and find
parties that can act reliably in their interests. It will not be easy for them
to avoid calling a general election. It is even possible now that the divisions
in both Labour and the Tories, who are in reality only held together by the
electoral system, can lead to a realignment of British politics. A split in the
Tories and Labour could lead to a new alignment of the pro-capitalist wing of
the Labour Party and the pro-EU Tories.
It is not
for nothing that Janan Ganesh comments in the Financial Times (14 June 2016):
"The Tory and Labour moderates newly mingling in the Remain offices rather
get on." It is even possible that the capitalist class could shift towards
supporting a change in the electoral system to proportional representation in
order to try and put such a coalition into power.
But while
the capitalist class are in chaos, it is urgent that the working class finds
its own political voice. The referendum result shows the enormous potential for
a mass fight back against austerity in Britain. The task is to create a mass
political party capable of leading such a fight back, politically armed with
socialist policies.
Cheerio! Now let's fight to get rid of all the Tories.
Sign the petition here to call for a general election so we can get rid of all the Tories! https://www.change.org/p/jeremy-corbyn-mp-general-election-now-tories-out
Come to the next meetings of the Socialist Party in Bristol and hear more analysis of the referendum result and perspectives for what may happen now.
Tues 28th June, 7.30pm, Halo, 141 Gloucester Road, BS7 8BA
Tues 5th July, 7.30pm, YHA Bristol (Grain House), 14 Narrow Quay, BS1 4QA.
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