By CWI reporters, Moscow - http://www.socialistworld.net/doc/5180
Earlier today, a wave of Kazakhstan "COBRA" riot police entered the town of Zhanaozen, west Kazakhstan, in an attempt to end a permanent demonstration and hunger strike by striking oil and gas workers and their families. The oil and gas workers are now in the second month of their strike.
A viscous attack by well-equipped and trained riot police left many people wounded. Over four bus loads of people were arrested taken away. Despite this, the police thugs did not achieve their goal of breaking up the hunger strike. The hunger strikers, as the police approached, doused themselves with petrol and threatened to light themselves, the police did not back off.
The latest information is that this attack has only angered the workers. Already many are gathering outside the City Administration Headquarters, some say there are already 5,000 people and the numbers are growing and they are preparing for an all-night protest. They are demanding the immediate release of their comrades.
It is reported that the riot police attack was planned following the arrival in the city of a leading government representative. It is clear the authorities are worried by the progress made in spreading information about the dispute. The decision by the rock musician Sting to boycott a concert in Kazakhstan in support of the strikers and the planned visit by a delegation from the European Left group of MEPs, led by Paul Murphy, has undoubtedly made the authorities very nervous.
Please send urgent protests to: doverie@kmg.kz, info@mangystau.kz, ppo@s-k.kz, kbm@kbm.kz and messages of solidarity to solidar@socialismkz.info with copies to Robert.cwi@gmail.com and alex@socdeistvie.info
Showing posts with label CIT. Show all posts
Showing posts with label CIT. Show all posts
Friday, 8 July 2011
Tuesday, 28 June 2011
Greece: The struggle for democracy
Article by Xekinima (CWI in Greece) - http://www.socialistworld.net/doc/5160
The Greek trade unions have called for the first 48 hour general strike since 1992, on 29 and 30 June. The movement of the ‘enraged’ and the activists of the workers’ movement demanded this step, against the vote in the Greek parliament on the second memorandum - a new package of austerity imposed by the troika (EU, IMF and European Central Bank). This vote is planned to take place on 30 June.
The battle is now at a new peak with the attempt of the government to ignore the occupations of the squares, the ongoing strike of the electricity workers to stop the memorandum and the plans for further privatisations, the general strike on 15 June and now the new challenge of a 48 hour general strike at the end of June.
Below we publish the proposals and demands whichXekinima, the CWI in Greece, puts forward in the movement of the ‘enraged’, which is still occupying major squares in different cities, and the workers’ movement.
Socialistworld.net
500,000 demonstrators in Syntagma Square on Sunday, 5 June. More than 200,000 in Syntagma for the general strike on the 15 June. And a government of crisis that is hanging on by a thread, which is shown by the fact that the Prime Minister – full of panic – quit and “de-quit” on the same day, 15 June.
A new movement is shaking Greek society while Europe watches. The movement of the Enraged creates new hopes and possibilities and at the same time constitutes the clearest answer to the bureaucracy of the trade union movement and the leadership of the mass left parties, which have never put themselves in the front-line to develop a real mass movement. It is the first mass movement that is so clearly and categorically against the bureaucracy of the trade unions and inadequacy of the mass left parties.
The movement of the Enraged can stop the new memorandum and bring down the government. This can come true. But what could also happen is that within a few weeks this movement might not exist anymore. Didn’t the movement “I don’t pay” [with non-payment on buses and trains and tolls on motor ways] have some of the same amazing characteristics? But it faded away within three month. That is why the next steps of the movement of all of us, the Enraged, are of crucial importance.
Everybody to the squares! Escalate the strikes to force them out!
The first step is of course, that everybody goes to the squares in order to build a mass movement from below in order to turn the squares into living organisms of resistance. The half a million people who demonstrated on 5 June must become one million. This means we must set the dates for an escalation of the movement. We must set dates for general strikes and link the movement of the squares with industrial action by workers and with the neighborhoods as well. The call for a 48-hour general strike by GSEE and ADEDY [private and public sector trade union confederations] for the first time in almost 20 years is an important development and in reality a success of the Enraged as it was the pressure from the squares which led to this development.
However, this is not enough. There should be a further escalation. The leadership of the unions will not take the necessary action. We have to impose it from below. The movement of the Enraged can play a catalyst role towards in this through its decisions. Xekinimaproposes that the assemblies of the squares discuss, decide and call for:
Use the 48-hour general strike, called by GSEE and ADEDY [private and public sector trade union confederations] for an all out, full mobilisation of the mass movement.
For the DEKO unions [public services / state-owned or semi-state owned companies] to proceed to a 5-day general strike the week before the new memorandum is put to parliament.
For a general, huge demonstration on the day of the vote on the memorandum in Athens and a similar rally in Thesaloniki, with the aim of bringing one million to Syntagma Square.
If the government insists on voting in the new memorandum, then there is no option but to prolong the general strike for as long as necessary and remain at Syntagma square until the government falls. The government can survive a continued occupation of the squares, but they cannot survive a continued general strike.
Links with the workers’ / strike movement
There are people who think that the squares do not need or don’t want the labour/trade union movement, because trade unionists will ‘patronise’ the movement. Their concerns are understandable but they are not correct. If the movement of the Enraged does not extend itself into the workers’ movement and is not linked with strike mobilisations, there will be an extremely big danger that it will subside.
Therefore, we want and we need all the movements to approach / direct themselves towards the squares and the occupations. Those who are engaged in struggles - workers’ strikes, youth, environmental struggles, social struggles – must go to the squares, set up camps there and keep the occupations alive and vibrant. We want the strikers of DEI [electricity company], post offices, OTE [telephone company], the temporary council workers etc. - all to go there. We want the strikes of the different sectors to escalate into general strikes, not symbolic ones (one every two or three months), but substantial ones, repeated and escalated.
Democracy in the movement. But how?
The bureaucrats of the trade unions and party apparatuses have time and again sold out struggles in a blatant way. Measures should be taken that ensure the democracy of the movement.
Many of the Enraged demand that parties do not show up in the squares. Although this is understandable, it does not offer any solution, because various parties are already there and actually a lot of them are hiding behind the “anonymous” or “party free”. This is exactly why they are doubly dangerous.
We must stress that the danger of bureaucracy does not only come from parties, but also from cliques of people who suddenly see the possibility of putting themselves in the spotlight via the movement, making blogs and spending a lot of time in the squares to establish themselves and gain publicity. It is not a coincidence that it was discovered in Thessaloniki that some “non-party” people wanted to impose as the only speaker in a demonstration on the 5th of June the nationalist right wing politician Dimitris Antoniou!
Democracy can be protected only through a series of measures:
First, of course, all decisions should pass through the general assemblies.
The parties and organisations that intervene in this movement (and rightfully so) should do that overtly. Stop the hypocrisy of party members that pretend they are “party free”.
Every political force should have only one contribution at the assembly, so that everybody knows who is who and what they say. The rest of the time should be given to the un-affiliated.
The coordinating committee of the assembly, those behind the microphones, should rotate. Every three days the team must be changed.
No trust to any individual or any party apparatus – only to the democratic procedures of the movement. This should be an unbreakable rule, not only for the assemblies of the Enraged, but for all movements anywhere and at any given time.
Democracy of the square and democracy of the movement
The democracy of the assembly on Syntagma Square or the White Tower [in Thesaloniki] must not be confused with the democracy of the movement. Because at the end of the day even if we have 3,000 or 5,000 people in the assembly, how can they represent the half a million people we saw on Sunday, 5 June? And how is it possible for all of them to say what they think or propose an issue to be voted on, given the limited time and number of speakers at every assembly? It’s impossible.
The answer to this dilemma is:
Extend the movement to all work places, workers’ neighbourhoods and the youth (universities and Schoools), as suggested above. Call mass assemblies in all these places and areas and elect committees of representatives, that are subject to recall at any time.
The Syntagma assembly, once or twice a week should be an assembly of representatives of the movement from all the corners of Attika [whole region around and including Athens and Peiraus]. The same goes for the White Tower in Thesaloniki and so on. These assemblies should be responsible for the final central decisions.
These representatives should be in constant interaction with the assemblies that have elected them, be accountable to them and at any time subject to recall (ie every assembly can replace them with other representatives at any time).
Only in this way can the mass movement control the way the struggle will develop. Anything else – whatever name it may bear – is a democracy only in words, neither “direct” nor “real” democracy [which is one of the central demands of the movement of the Enraged].
Is there an alternative political solution?
The people who participate in the movement of the Enraged now feel the power/strength of the mass movement and realise that they can bring down the government. The question that emerges then is what will follow? Because obviously, bringing down Pasok just to bring back ND or a coalition government or a government of “technocrats and personalities” is not a solution.
The first answer to this question is that it is important that the Pasok government falls, even if it is not clear who will follow, because the next government will live under the constant threat of the movement and the danger of being overthrown.
We should remember Argentina, where during the winter 2001/02, five presidents fell within a period of a few weeks. In the end, this movement forced the Argentinian government to pause the payment of the sovereign debt. This represented a great victory initself! But it could not achieve the overthrow of power of the capitalists or free society from poverty. Therefore, we need something more.
If we leave our fate in the hands of a few hundred corrupt individuals in parliament, entirely outside our control, elected for 4 years on the basis of lies and false promises but without us having the means to replace them, who rely on big money from the capitalists to get elected and then represent precisely these capitalists and not the people who vote for them, who rob us of the wealth we produce, then the problem remains. What is the answer to this?
We want a kind of “parliament” in which those elected will be accountable and subject to recall at any time.
We want representatives, that will be paid as much as the workers – and not €10,000 per month – representatives without any privileges or connections with business’ interests. Those who break these rules should be punished with severe prison sentences – all laws which allow the “buying out” of sentences and the “writing off” after some time of such offences, should be abolished!
These conditions can be imposed only if representatives are elected through mass assemblies in the workplaces, neighbourhoods, universities etc and if these representatives are accountable to those assemblies and subject to recall at any time.
Such a “parliament” of the workers and the popular masses could proceed to the establishment of a real “people’s power”, meaning a government “of the workers for the workers” in the service of society and the working classes.
Is this a difficult prospect? Yes, a very difficult one. But why? Because, right now, the movement is limited only to central squares and is not expanding in width and depth through society, in an organised way. And because the movement does not consciously set the above targets for itself. But if the movement was able to develop in the way we describe, then the election of those representatives and those who would “govern” in the way we describe, would develop in the most natural way: They would be individuals who represent the rank and file movements in society and not the interests of big business and they would be under constant control from below.
Thus and only thus will the words “real” or “direct” democracy acquire a true meaning.
Is there an alternative economic policy?
Our living standards are falling apart. The right to work is disappearing. Pensions have taken a merciless blow, education and health are driven to the bottom, rights – that we have had for an entire century – are squashed! They have taken “everything” away, and they will come back for more. Why? To pay back the soveign debt – so they say! But, who created the debt and why should we have to pay for it?
[In the original text by Xekinima this is followed by an explanation why the debt is not ours.]
We demand:
Those who caused the crisis should pay for it. This means: refuse to pay the debt they created to increase their profits, which is now reaching €350 billion, 150% of the GDP.
There are €200 billion in Greek bank accounts, which is our own savings, as the rich and the big capitalists have already taken their money abroad – €60 billion last year alone. The bankers use our money in the bank accounts against us, in order to make big profits, and the justification for this is “the needs and the demands of the markets”. We refuse to accept their logic, we demand that the banks are nationalised – that they are placed under the ownership of society.
We should demand to know where the profits of all the past years have gone. From the mid 1990s until 2007, the Greek economy was growing by 4-5% per year. And Greece was the ‘Eldorado’ of profits, with profits reaching 20-30% per year. Where is all this money? Why are the profits theirs, and the losses ours?
No to the privatisations of DEI [electricity company] and the other DEKO [public services]. Stop the robbery of the public wealth. Stop the sell-off of public companies. On the contrary, put these companies under the control and management of workers and society so as to abolish the corruption of the tops in the civil service and in the Trade Unions.
On the basis of all these, with the €350 billion that we “save” if we refuse to pay the debt and with the €200 billion that exists in the banks, we could create miracles in the economy. We could transform the situation completely, create jobs, have decent healthcare, education, pensions and public housing. We don’t need and we don’t want the speculators of the stock markets and the banks. Those who say, that “this can not happen” (or that it would be old-fashioned and obsolete) are doing what they have been taught very well by the system: they lie.
Finally…
We demand a society of justice, equality, freedom and real democracy. We demand a society that will not be slave to the profits of an insignificant minority, but that will plan the economy for our needs. And yes, we should re-establish the real meaning of many words, who have been misused by the ruling elite, as the assemblies of the Enraged are already proposing.
Democracy means that we decide and control all decisions and not the liars and thieves in the parliament.
Justice means that laws serve society not oppress it.
Freedom means to be able to have an opinion and express it freely and not that public opinion is formed by 5 families that control the economy and the TV channels.
And socialism means all the things we described above for the economy, politics and society – and not what the so called “socialists”, Mr. Papandreou [the Prime Minister] and the gang of thieves and liars around him, are pursing.
The Greek trade unions have called for the first 48 hour general strike since 1992, on 29 and 30 June. The movement of the ‘enraged’ and the activists of the workers’ movement demanded this step, against the vote in the Greek parliament on the second memorandum - a new package of austerity imposed by the troika (EU, IMF and European Central Bank). This vote is planned to take place on 30 June.
The battle is now at a new peak with the attempt of the government to ignore the occupations of the squares, the ongoing strike of the electricity workers to stop the memorandum and the plans for further privatisations, the general strike on 15 June and now the new challenge of a 48 hour general strike at the end of June.
Below we publish the proposals and demands whichXekinima, the CWI in Greece, puts forward in the movement of the ‘enraged’, which is still occupying major squares in different cities, and the workers’ movement.
Socialistworld.net
500,000 demonstrators in Syntagma Square on Sunday, 5 June. More than 200,000 in Syntagma for the general strike on the 15 June. And a government of crisis that is hanging on by a thread, which is shown by the fact that the Prime Minister – full of panic – quit and “de-quit” on the same day, 15 June.
A new movement is shaking Greek society while Europe watches. The movement of the Enraged creates new hopes and possibilities and at the same time constitutes the clearest answer to the bureaucracy of the trade union movement and the leadership of the mass left parties, which have never put themselves in the front-line to develop a real mass movement. It is the first mass movement that is so clearly and categorically against the bureaucracy of the trade unions and inadequacy of the mass left parties.
The movement of the Enraged can stop the new memorandum and bring down the government. This can come true. But what could also happen is that within a few weeks this movement might not exist anymore. Didn’t the movement “I don’t pay” [with non-payment on buses and trains and tolls on motor ways] have some of the same amazing characteristics? But it faded away within three month. That is why the next steps of the movement of all of us, the Enraged, are of crucial importance.
Everybody to the squares! Escalate the strikes to force them out!
The first step is of course, that everybody goes to the squares in order to build a mass movement from below in order to turn the squares into living organisms of resistance. The half a million people who demonstrated on 5 June must become one million. This means we must set the dates for an escalation of the movement. We must set dates for general strikes and link the movement of the squares with industrial action by workers and with the neighborhoods as well. The call for a 48-hour general strike by GSEE and ADEDY [private and public sector trade union confederations] for the first time in almost 20 years is an important development and in reality a success of the Enraged as it was the pressure from the squares which led to this development.
However, this is not enough. There should be a further escalation. The leadership of the unions will not take the necessary action. We have to impose it from below. The movement of the Enraged can play a catalyst role towards in this through its decisions. Xekinimaproposes that the assemblies of the squares discuss, decide and call for:
Use the 48-hour general strike, called by GSEE and ADEDY [private and public sector trade union confederations] for an all out, full mobilisation of the mass movement.
For the DEKO unions [public services / state-owned or semi-state owned companies] to proceed to a 5-day general strike the week before the new memorandum is put to parliament.
For a general, huge demonstration on the day of the vote on the memorandum in Athens and a similar rally in Thesaloniki, with the aim of bringing one million to Syntagma Square.
If the government insists on voting in the new memorandum, then there is no option but to prolong the general strike for as long as necessary and remain at Syntagma square until the government falls. The government can survive a continued occupation of the squares, but they cannot survive a continued general strike.
Links with the workers’ / strike movement
There are people who think that the squares do not need or don’t want the labour/trade union movement, because trade unionists will ‘patronise’ the movement. Their concerns are understandable but they are not correct. If the movement of the Enraged does not extend itself into the workers’ movement and is not linked with strike mobilisations, there will be an extremely big danger that it will subside.
Therefore, we want and we need all the movements to approach / direct themselves towards the squares and the occupations. Those who are engaged in struggles - workers’ strikes, youth, environmental struggles, social struggles – must go to the squares, set up camps there and keep the occupations alive and vibrant. We want the strikers of DEI [electricity company], post offices, OTE [telephone company], the temporary council workers etc. - all to go there. We want the strikes of the different sectors to escalate into general strikes, not symbolic ones (one every two or three months), but substantial ones, repeated and escalated.
Democracy in the movement. But how?
The bureaucrats of the trade unions and party apparatuses have time and again sold out struggles in a blatant way. Measures should be taken that ensure the democracy of the movement.
Many of the Enraged demand that parties do not show up in the squares. Although this is understandable, it does not offer any solution, because various parties are already there and actually a lot of them are hiding behind the “anonymous” or “party free”. This is exactly why they are doubly dangerous.
We must stress that the danger of bureaucracy does not only come from parties, but also from cliques of people who suddenly see the possibility of putting themselves in the spotlight via the movement, making blogs and spending a lot of time in the squares to establish themselves and gain publicity. It is not a coincidence that it was discovered in Thessaloniki that some “non-party” people wanted to impose as the only speaker in a demonstration on the 5th of June the nationalist right wing politician Dimitris Antoniou!
Democracy can be protected only through a series of measures:
First, of course, all decisions should pass through the general assemblies.
The parties and organisations that intervene in this movement (and rightfully so) should do that overtly. Stop the hypocrisy of party members that pretend they are “party free”.
Every political force should have only one contribution at the assembly, so that everybody knows who is who and what they say. The rest of the time should be given to the un-affiliated.
The coordinating committee of the assembly, those behind the microphones, should rotate. Every three days the team must be changed.
No trust to any individual or any party apparatus – only to the democratic procedures of the movement. This should be an unbreakable rule, not only for the assemblies of the Enraged, but for all movements anywhere and at any given time.
Democracy of the square and democracy of the movement
The democracy of the assembly on Syntagma Square or the White Tower [in Thesaloniki] must not be confused with the democracy of the movement. Because at the end of the day even if we have 3,000 or 5,000 people in the assembly, how can they represent the half a million people we saw on Sunday, 5 June? And how is it possible for all of them to say what they think or propose an issue to be voted on, given the limited time and number of speakers at every assembly? It’s impossible.
The answer to this dilemma is:
Extend the movement to all work places, workers’ neighbourhoods and the youth (universities and Schoools), as suggested above. Call mass assemblies in all these places and areas and elect committees of representatives, that are subject to recall at any time.
The Syntagma assembly, once or twice a week should be an assembly of representatives of the movement from all the corners of Attika [whole region around and including Athens and Peiraus]. The same goes for the White Tower in Thesaloniki and so on. These assemblies should be responsible for the final central decisions.
These representatives should be in constant interaction with the assemblies that have elected them, be accountable to them and at any time subject to recall (ie every assembly can replace them with other representatives at any time).
Only in this way can the mass movement control the way the struggle will develop. Anything else – whatever name it may bear – is a democracy only in words, neither “direct” nor “real” democracy [which is one of the central demands of the movement of the Enraged].
Is there an alternative political solution?
The people who participate in the movement of the Enraged now feel the power/strength of the mass movement and realise that they can bring down the government. The question that emerges then is what will follow? Because obviously, bringing down Pasok just to bring back ND or a coalition government or a government of “technocrats and personalities” is not a solution.
The first answer to this question is that it is important that the Pasok government falls, even if it is not clear who will follow, because the next government will live under the constant threat of the movement and the danger of being overthrown.
We should remember Argentina, where during the winter 2001/02, five presidents fell within a period of a few weeks. In the end, this movement forced the Argentinian government to pause the payment of the sovereign debt. This represented a great victory initself! But it could not achieve the overthrow of power of the capitalists or free society from poverty. Therefore, we need something more.
If we leave our fate in the hands of a few hundred corrupt individuals in parliament, entirely outside our control, elected for 4 years on the basis of lies and false promises but without us having the means to replace them, who rely on big money from the capitalists to get elected and then represent precisely these capitalists and not the people who vote for them, who rob us of the wealth we produce, then the problem remains. What is the answer to this?
We want a kind of “parliament” in which those elected will be accountable and subject to recall at any time.
We want representatives, that will be paid as much as the workers – and not €10,000 per month – representatives without any privileges or connections with business’ interests. Those who break these rules should be punished with severe prison sentences – all laws which allow the “buying out” of sentences and the “writing off” after some time of such offences, should be abolished!
These conditions can be imposed only if representatives are elected through mass assemblies in the workplaces, neighbourhoods, universities etc and if these representatives are accountable to those assemblies and subject to recall at any time.
Such a “parliament” of the workers and the popular masses could proceed to the establishment of a real “people’s power”, meaning a government “of the workers for the workers” in the service of society and the working classes.
Is this a difficult prospect? Yes, a very difficult one. But why? Because, right now, the movement is limited only to central squares and is not expanding in width and depth through society, in an organised way. And because the movement does not consciously set the above targets for itself. But if the movement was able to develop in the way we describe, then the election of those representatives and those who would “govern” in the way we describe, would develop in the most natural way: They would be individuals who represent the rank and file movements in society and not the interests of big business and they would be under constant control from below.
Thus and only thus will the words “real” or “direct” democracy acquire a true meaning.
Is there an alternative economic policy?
Our living standards are falling apart. The right to work is disappearing. Pensions have taken a merciless blow, education and health are driven to the bottom, rights – that we have had for an entire century – are squashed! They have taken “everything” away, and they will come back for more. Why? To pay back the soveign debt – so they say! But, who created the debt and why should we have to pay for it?
[In the original text by Xekinima this is followed by an explanation why the debt is not ours.]
We demand:
Those who caused the crisis should pay for it. This means: refuse to pay the debt they created to increase their profits, which is now reaching €350 billion, 150% of the GDP.
There are €200 billion in Greek bank accounts, which is our own savings, as the rich and the big capitalists have already taken their money abroad – €60 billion last year alone. The bankers use our money in the bank accounts against us, in order to make big profits, and the justification for this is “the needs and the demands of the markets”. We refuse to accept their logic, we demand that the banks are nationalised – that they are placed under the ownership of society.
We should demand to know where the profits of all the past years have gone. From the mid 1990s until 2007, the Greek economy was growing by 4-5% per year. And Greece was the ‘Eldorado’ of profits, with profits reaching 20-30% per year. Where is all this money? Why are the profits theirs, and the losses ours?
No to the privatisations of DEI [electricity company] and the other DEKO [public services]. Stop the robbery of the public wealth. Stop the sell-off of public companies. On the contrary, put these companies under the control and management of workers and society so as to abolish the corruption of the tops in the civil service and in the Trade Unions.
On the basis of all these, with the €350 billion that we “save” if we refuse to pay the debt and with the €200 billion that exists in the banks, we could create miracles in the economy. We could transform the situation completely, create jobs, have decent healthcare, education, pensions and public housing. We don’t need and we don’t want the speculators of the stock markets and the banks. Those who say, that “this can not happen” (or that it would be old-fashioned and obsolete) are doing what they have been taught very well by the system: they lie.
Finally…
We demand a society of justice, equality, freedom and real democracy. We demand a society that will not be slave to the profits of an insignificant minority, but that will plan the economy for our needs. And yes, we should re-establish the real meaning of many words, who have been misused by the ruling elite, as the assemblies of the Enraged are already proposing.
Democracy means that we decide and control all decisions and not the liars and thieves in the parliament.
Justice means that laws serve society not oppress it.
Freedom means to be able to have an opinion and express it freely and not that public opinion is formed by 5 families that control the economy and the TV channels.
And socialism means all the things we described above for the economy, politics and society – and not what the so called “socialists”, Mr. Papandreou [the Prime Minister] and the gang of thieves and liars around him, are pursing.
Saturday, 7 May 2011
Nigeria: 2011 General Elections
Statement and analysis from the Democratic Socialist Movement (CWI Nigeria) - The 2011 General Elections and the Working People
On three different dates, April 9, April 16 and April 26, Nigeria held the general elections to elect politicians that would control power at central and state levels for the next four years. For a country of about 150 million people in which over 70% of its citizens live on less than $2.00 per day, a foremost organ of international capitalism, "The Economist" of London of April 14, 2011 complains that "the process has been expensive: the government has set a record for public spending on elections of $580million". Another foremost organ of international capitalist, the Financial Times of London, in its own publication of April 28, 2011 put the official cost of election at $647million. However, for most bourgeois commentators, including foreign political leaders in the West and Africa, the 2011 general elections is portrayed as the most "credible, free and fair" electoral contest in Nigeria, most especially since 1999 when the current civilian rule started. If for now, we leave out the massive violent protests which greeted the post April 16, presidential election in certain parts of the country, the preponderant opinions of most politicians, domestic and international observers together with the overwhelming reports by both print and electronic media, tend to agree that the 2011 general elections were the "most credible, free and fair" elections conducted since the 1998 when the current civilian dispensation started.Unlike the 2007 general elections, which the then President Olusegun Obasanjo openly declared as a “do or die affair” for the PDP and the leadership of INEC as personified by its Chairman, Prof. Maurice Iwu adopted and mostly exhibited a “go to hell” disposition towards voters with visible bias towards the PDP and other major ruling parties, this time around the entire electoral processes were preceded by repeated pledges from both President Goodluck Jonathan and Prof. Attahiru Jega, the new electoral commission chairman, that they were committed to organize a credible free and fair elections. Of course, this disposition was largely informed by the general societal revulsion felt towards the 2007 exercise by most Nigerians and even domestic and international observers. Also noticeable in the elections under review was the remarkable, peaceful and orderly conduct of most voters during the exercise. In fact, during and throughout these elections, the electronic media, most especially beamed pictures of voters across the country queuing up peacefully and in an orderly manner for accreditation and voting exercise, with several on-the-spot interview of voters and electoral officials of how “smoothly” everything has been going on. Unlike in previous elections, voters were consciously urged this time around, by the electoral commission, not only to vote, but also to wait for the counting of the votes before leaving the polling centres. Nevertheless there was officially only a 53.7% turnout in the April 16 presidential vote when just under 39,500,000 ballot papers were cast.
As we write, bourgeois analysts of different persuasions both locally and internationally have continued to pour encomiums on President Goodluck Jonathan and the INEC Chairman, Prof. Jega for having promised and actually conducting credible, transparent, free and fair elections. Notwithstanding this, certain political parties and politicians, most especially within the opposition group, have alleged many irregularities which negatively affected a free and fairness of the entire exercise. As noted before, the outcome of the presidential elections had also witnessed serious violent protests and demonstrations in certain parts of the north of Nigeria, leading to killings of hundreds, burning of churches, mosques, palaces of emirs and politicians suspected to be close to the PDP, the ruling party at the centre since 1999...
Read more: http://www.socialistnigeria.org/page.php?article=1800
Saturday, 22 January 2011
Portugal: Trade unionists attacked and arrested
International solidarity needed!
By CWI Portugal reporters
Yesterday, at the end of a national meeting of 500 shop stewards and leaders of the Public Sector Unions Front, (held near the Parliament and the Prime Minister’s official house in Lisbon) police attacked the trade unionists and arrested two of them.
José Manuel Marques, from Executive Commission of STAL (National Union of Municipal Workers), and Marco Rosa, from SPZS (South Zone Teacher Union) and from the Secretariat of FRENPROF (Federation of Teachers Unions) was arrested and taken to Calvário police station.
Marco was handcuffed during the almost three hours that the police held the two trade unionists.
They are been charged with ‘disobedience’ (Marques) and ‘aggression to a police officer’ (Rosa) and will be present at court today at 10.am
The public sector unions’ meeting was called against the backcloth of increased anger against the government attacks on working-class people, both in public as well in private sector.
In the public sector, wage cuts, wage freezes, tax increases, cuts in benefits - together with sharp rises in food prices, basic needs and commodities – have caused this underlying anger to spread like a forest fire.
The action of the police, which in Portugal’s recent history is seen as unusual, reflects the political authoritarianism of the so-called Partido Socialista and its leader, José Sócrates.
The ruling class knows that sooner or later the working class will build resistance and fight-back against these attacks on living standards. So they are trying to intimidate workers to accept the attacks and prevent them engaging in struggle. But workers know that struggle is the only way forward.
During the three hours of Marques’s and Rosa’s detention protesters kept a defiant vigil in front of the Prime Minister’s house, demanding the release of our two comrades.
The protest brought together trade unionists from the public and private sectors, Members of Parliament from PCP and Left Bloc and other social activists.
We demand:
- Stop the harassment of union members
- Drop all charges on our comrades
- An independent inquiry into the police action
Please send solidarity messages to: cgtp@cgtp.pt,frenprof@frenprof.pt , stal@stal.pt
Videos could be seen in Portuguese TVs www.sic.pt, www.rtp.ptand www.tvi.iol.pt
Monday, 10 January 2011
Europe in Crisis - Socialist Party meeting Tuesday 6/01/11 7.30pm
There will be a meeting of the Bristol Socialist Party tomorrow night – Tuesday 10th January 2011, 7.30pm. The venue is Cheltenham Road Library, Cheltenham Road, BS6 5QX. The meetings go back to being every Tuesday as of now.
The subject will be – ‘Class Struggles in Europe’ – a talk given by Robin Clapp, who was a British delegate at the recent Committee for a Workers’ International world congress. The current round of cuts and austerity forced through by an unrepresentative ConDem government are being mirrored in every country in Europe, from Ireland to Greece, but so too is the mass movement against them. Ordinary people are being forced to pay for the greed and stupidity of a rich minority, but if we organise together we can not only stop the cuts, but fight to create a socialist world.
The CWI has parties, groups and individuals in over 40 countries around the world. We stand shoulder to shoulder with workers and young people around the world in struggle against the attacks of the bosses and for a fairer, better society. To read the full report that will be discussed tomorrow please see this document: http://www.socialistworld.net/doc/4738
Newcomers are always welcome, and it would be great to see you there. If you would like more information email ma_gordon@hotmail.co.uk
http://maps.google.co.uk/maps?hl=en&ie=UTF8&ll=51.468274,-2.5926&spn=0.02374,0.054846&t=h&z=14
Tuesday, 28 December 2010
Malaysia: A socialist alternative is needed
POLITICAL PARTIES GEAR UP FOR GENERAL ELECTION -
REAL SOCIALIST ALTERNATIVE NEEDED
Article by CWI Malaysia
http://asocialistmalaysia.blogspot.com/
REAL SOCIALIST ALTERNATIVE NEEDED
Article by CWI Malaysia
http://asocialistmalaysia.blogspot.com/
All political parties are gearing up for the next general election which is widely expected in the middle of 2011. It looks like the state of the country's economy and its impact on social conditions will be the determinant of the winner - whether the Barisan Nasional (BN or National Front) can hold power or whether the Pakatan Rakyat (PR) coalition can end the 53 years rule of BN. Over the last two and a half years since the last election, people have not been able to differentiate much between the politics of these parties. Nor are they convinced how their MP or State Assemblyman can enhance their living standards and their rights that they promised in 2008.
Most of the social and democratic issues that angered the ordinary people in 2008, that caused big losses for BN, remain. The Pakatan could not come out with convincing solutions and alternatives other than blaming the BN federal government. Meanwhile the BN manicured by adopting some of Pakatan's agenda in the name of reforming the economy and government administration. Nevertheless, at this stage BN has the advantage to retain power with its '3Ms' (Money, Machinery, Media). But it is expected that Pakatan would go all out to try and match them, especially in the states that are ruled by them, as shown by the Hulu Selangor by-election, where they used the state machinery to counter the '3M' might of BN and only narrowly lost.
Economic uncertainties
The ruling regime in Malaysia has been alarmed by the economic catastrophe that developed from 2008, engulfing the United States and then Europe. There was a warning from a cabinet minister that by 2019 Malaysia could also face a Greece-style economic crisis if it does not take immediate steps to restructure its export-dependent economy. With the US as its main trading partner, Malaysia's GDP growth in 2008 and 2009 was reduced to 4.7% and -1.7%. This shattered the 'vision 2020' that was formulated in 1991 saying that Malaysia would become a developed country by 2020 with an annual GDP growth of 7% for a 30 year period. In fact, in 1997, the Asian financial crisis devastated this vision of Malaysia being a so-called tiger economy. It had also instigated the 'reformasi' movement that shook the autocratic ruling regime of Mahathir at that time. Since then, the Malaysian economy's growth has not reached that of the pre-1997 period.
However, the stimulus package of almost US$20 billion injected into the economy in the last two years has spurred domestic spending to some extent. With this and increased trading with China (which is the main trading partner at the present time) and other regional markets, so far any further impact in the economy has been avoided. GDP growth this year is expected to be around 6-7%. This development in the country's economy has so far assisted the ruling government under Najib to improve its standing to a certain extent after the political tsunami in the 2008 General Election in which BN lost its 2/3 majority in parliament as well as losing power in some of the richest states such as Selangor and Penang after almost 40 years. Prime Minister Najib can capitalise on the enhanced GDP growth this year as well as the ongoing internal political conflict in the opposition coalition of Pakatan Rakyat to strengthen his power and the BN government by calling early elections, although he could continue to rule until March 2013.
Recently, Najib reiterated that Malaysia would become a developed country by 2020 with a high income economy, setting a goal of tripling GDP to US$550 billion by 2020. He unveiled the Economic Transformation Programme (ETP) to attract investment worth of US$444 billion, but, with the continuing uncertainties in the global economy this goal could be further undermined.
Malaysia is facing huge competition to attract Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) into the country, and recent reports show that last year FDI inflow even fell 81% compared to the figure in 2008. In 2009 Malaysia was the only country in Southeast Asia that registered a net negative FDI flow. For the first time ever in its history, Malaysia attracted less FDI than the Philippines, and mainly lost it to countries like China and Vietnam that have far cheaper labour. Even Singapore, which is almost 500 times smaller in size than Malaysia and with far less raw materials and resources, is poised to overtake Malaysia as the third largest economy in Southeast Asia after Indonesia and Thailand. This poor performance casts further doubts on whether the New Economic Model, the 10th Malaysia Plan, the Government Transformation Programme (GTP) and the ETP that was designed as the road-map to build Malaysia as a high income economy after the last General Election, are attainable.
The lack of skilled workers, research and development and of technological capabilities have also dampened the inflow of FDI that was based on high-tech or bio-tech industry. Malaysia has only 300 to 400 science and technology workers for every 100,000 persons, as compared to 3,000 in countries that have moved from middle income to high income status. Even the local capitalists do not seem to be interested in investing in Malaysia with these unattractive economic fundamentals and are looking towards other regional markets. The government is hoping for greater involvement of the private sector to strengthen domestic markets. Currently private sector investment is around 10% of GDP compared with 30% in the 1990s. Meanwhile, government has also unveiled a plan to build a 100-story tower in the middle of Kuala Lumpur, as well as other huge property and infrastructure projects to spur on the domestic markets.
Now, with the reasonable GDP growth this year and interest rates at 2.75%, hot money has flowed into the Malaysia bond market for high returns, reversing FDI outflows. This trend has appreciated the ringgit to a 13 year high against the dollar. If this phenomenon continues, it could create asset bubbles in currency, property and stock markets as well as higher inflation. This has the potential of destabilising the economy and financial system as experienced in the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis. Meanwhile, the ringgit's appreciation could lead to further decline in exports and further loss of competitiveness and retrenchment in export sectors. The government has not imposed the specific capital controls at this stage that have been been carried through by developing countries such as China, Indonesia, Thailand, Brazil and South Korea. It aims mainly to take advantage of capital inflows into the economy as a way to maintain growth to face the upcoming general election.
However, Malaysia has not fully avoided the impact of the global economic crisis. The global economy has still not recovered from the great recession, which some economists believe could become worse. It could stagnate for a long time before it manages to stabilise. The Malaysian government has been zig-zagging from one policy to another because of the many uncertainties in the global economy and the increasing competition among the regional economies as well as the main economic players like the US and China. It looks as if another crisis such as the 1997 financial crisis is looming in this region if this trend continues or becomes worse in the coming period.
Social dissatisfaction
Since 2008, the government has been under pressure to reduce the growing deficit in the economy, to contain inflation and to remove distortionary price controls, advancing liberalisation mainly in service sectors to attract investment from the private sector and multinationals. The government has also planned to readjust the labour laws, cut subsidies and introduce a Goods and Services Tax (GST), as well as to reduce government and administration expenditure by encouraging 'Private Public Initiatives' (another term for privatisation) especially in public education and the health system, aiming towards facilitating a well functioning market economy for the benefit of national and international capitalists.
As a start, this year the government has reduced the subsidies on petrol, sugar and gas though it has not carried them into full force yet, as well as deferring the introduction of the GST and the readjustment of the labour laws, fearing it would anger the ordinary people and loose their support in the coming general election. However, it is widely expected that the government would go all out with public spending cuts and other austerity measures after winning the next general election, if the global economy is not improving much. These measures would severely affect the 75% of the population that earn less than RM3,000 per month as well as the 25% of the population that earns less than RM1,000 per month, who mainly are the working class and middle class. This also would further increase the gap between the rich and poor which, in Malaysia, is already the worst among the Southeast Asia countries.
Barisan Nasional and the United Malay National Organisation
United Malay National Organisation (UMNO) is the dominant force in the BN racially based coalition and has been going all out to regain the support of the Malay as well as the non-Malays since the last general election, after most of its coalition partners were badly defeated. On the one hand they indirectly use PERKASA - the Malay ultra-right group that champions Malay supremacy - to increase Malay support. On the other hand they have used 'One Malaysia' propaganda to regain Chinese and India supports.
UMNO is still enjoying the support mainly of the conservative, rural and some middle class Malays who are very much dependent on the special privileges and benefits accorded by the government to them. Although the government has liberalised around 27 service sub-sectors by removing the 30% bumiputra/Malay equity requirement, it has not much affected the Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) controlled by this layer, due to other protective measures and incentives designed to safeguard their interests and privileges. This is mainly to continue to maintain this critical vote bank of Malays in UMNO. The PERKASA, which has been supported by Mahathir and other prominent leaders in UMNO, was initiated to safeguard Malay rights. It is aimed at strengthening the Malay support base of UMNO by instigating Malay sentiments and privileges.
Najib has tried to regain the non-Malays' support by his 'One Malaysia' propaganda but it turned out to be counter-productive when PERKASA attacks Chinese and Indian rights. Many see Najib does not 'walk the talk' that he propagated with his 'One Malaysia' policy to unite different races, and regarded the propaganda merely as another political manoeuvre to gain votes for the next general elections. At the same time, the suspicions and dissatisfaction among different races over social/economic and cultural/racial discrimination is still common. In a situation where a severe worsening of social and economic conditions happens, racial tensions could lead to sectarian unrest.
However, with reasonable economic growth at this stage, the weaknesses in the Pakatan Rakyat's ability to put itself forward as a formidable alternative to BN could increase support for Najib.
Pakatan Rakyat
The internal power struggles in the Pakatan coalition, especially in PKR (People's Justice Party) and DAP (Democratic Action Party), have given a bad impression to the masses over their politics, which are seen as nothing much different from BN other than rhetoric. Since the last election, the Pakatan Rakyat also failed to come out with clear alternative solutions and policies to counter BN economic and social policies and agendas other than succumbing to the agenda of free market systems. This has further undermined their credibility especially among the youth and working class that are looking for a genuine alternative. In fact, the Pakatan coalition is still glued together only to face the next general election, in an attempt to defeat the BN and capture the Federal government. It is also dependent on the popularity of Anwar Ibrahim nationally and internationally, portraying him as the prime minister if Pakatan wins. However, the politically motivated second sodomy case against him, which it is believed will be concluded some time next year, could be used by the BN government to undermine his political activeness. However, a guilty verdict that leads to imprisonment could anger Anwar's supporters and escalate political tensions that could be capitalised on by Pakatan to enrage people against the BN government.
Pakatan has started to consolidate its forces to face the next election and could agitate the masses to create the kind of situation as pre-2008 with populist agendas as well as protests, especially on electoral reform and democratic rights. Nevertheless, Pakatan still could not enhance its support in the two Borneo states of Malaysia -Sabah and Sarawak- where BN still has the upper hand, even though there are many social and economic dissatisfactions among the different peoples living in these states. However, the fissures in the state ruling parties could create favourable conditions for Pakatan to enhance its status, with some of those regional parties joining them.
The Socialist Party of Malaysia (PSM), with its activism, has been supporting the Pakatan coalition to defeat the "main enemy - the BN", though some of its members questioned this move in their last Congress. Although it is clearly supporting Pakatan, there will be displeasure from some of Pakatan leaders and supporters to give way for PSM to contest one to one as the only candidate from the opposition to contest against the candidate of BN in the next general elections. As a result of that, the PSM could compete to maintain the seats they contested last time or to gain new seats they have planned to contest under their own logo, which could create more conflicts with Pakatan. The PSM could manoeuvre with their Pakatan 'friends' to avoid three-cornered fights but there will be intense competition among the Pakatan parties themselves which could isolate the PSM.
Some trade union leaders in the Malaysia Trade Union Congress (MTUC), are aligning with Pakatan with the hope that there would be more democratic rights including trade union and workers' rights under a Pakatan government, without questioning the opportunistic and, in some respects, reactionary politics of Pakatan.
Third force
The failure of PSM and trade unions leaders to put forward a perspective for building a clear independent working class force with the support of the youth, students and others that are oppressed by the system, create confusion over the character of the 'third force'.
Zahid Ibrahim, the defeated contender for the PKR deputy presidential position, who resigned over the accusation of massive irregularities in the party, has initiated a new party - KITA (People's Welfare Party) - that has been regarded as a 'third force'. Others, like the Human Rights Party (the HINDRAF-Hindu Rights Action Force- splinter) and the Malaysian Civil Liberties Movement (MCLM) that are not satisfied with Pakatan politics, are now proposing building the third force. The layer that is not satisfied with Pakatan politics could look towards this 'third force' for the time being, but they will soon get disillusioned with their politics that have nothing much different from Pakatan politics or a Non-governmental Organisation type of political activism.
Some of these groups and other splinters from Pakatan could come together to contest the next general election under their own banner but it looks more likely that they would negotiate with Pakatan for one to one contests. There will three-cornered fights if no compromise is achieved and this could be favourable to BN.
Building working class force
The working class, middle class, students and others that are oppressed by neo-liberalism and other pro-capitalist measures embodied in the BN regime have seen the continuous undermining of their living standards and democratic rights. But Pakatan, which also supports the free market, capitalist system, has not much differed in their economic policies and political solutions. Meanwhile, the 'third force' is being formed as a way to express the dissatisfaction with the Pakatan leadership and its policies, rather than putting forward an alternative to the pro-market agenda of BN and Pakatan. This shows that the policies of these parties are not designed to solve the economic or social rights of the working class and youths but to achieve their own pro-market political agenda. An independent working class political entity to represent the aspirations and needs of the working class and youth is needed as the alternative to pro-market political parties as a way to build a mass working class alternative.
The period before and after the next general election could see an increasing layer of youth and working class people distancing themselves from the reactionary and opportunistic policies of the mainstream parties. They will approach different ideas for genuine alternatives including socialist ideas. New political formations initiated by this layer could also not be ruled out. Malaysia is moving into another crucial era of economic and political uncertainty, and this will further reinforce the need for building an independent mass working class force with socialist ideas.
Saturday, 18 December 2010
Greece: New wave of strikes
Society paralysed by a week of major strikes and a general strike - Third wave of PASOK government austerity attacks provokes outrage
By Andreas Payiatsos, Xekinima (CWI Greece), Athens
Wednesday 15 December saw one of the biggest general strikes in Greece in recent years. Nothing moved in the country, apart from public transport in Athens to bring workers to the center of the city to demonstrate against the third wave of austerity attacks agreed between the PASOK Greek government, the EU and the IMF.The strike was 100% solid in the docks, shipyards and steel works, Coca Cola company and many other sectors, while it was close to 90% in the energy sector, Telecoms, the post, the water company, the banking sector etc. The rail system (not the Athens Metro) came to a complete standstill while all flights were cancelled and no ferries left the ports. The number of sectors which responded to the strike call is too long to list. Suffice to say, even judges went on strike and campaigned for it among other workers in the judiciary system. Taxi drivers went on strike, even private dentists and chemists. Despite a very rainy day and cold weather, close to 100,000 demonstrated in Athens and tens of thousands protested in other cities.
Also see video footage on CNN’s website
Tuesday, 14 December 2010
CWI 10th WORLD CONGRESS - 'All is utterly changed'
The 10th World Congress of the Committee for a Workers’ International (CWI) started last week in Belgium. The event is attended amongst others by delegates and visitors from Argentina, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Brazil, Chile, Cyprus, Czech Republic, England and Wales, France, Germany, Greece, Hong Kong, India, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Netherlands, Nigeria, Poland, Portugal, Quebec, Russia, Scotland, Spain, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Sweden, Taiwan, USA and Venezuela. Unfortunately, the denial of visas meant delegates from Bolivia and Pakistan could not attend.
The congress will last one week and is discussing the main issues facing the working class internationally in this period of savage austerity attacks, and the tasks for the CWI.
Below we publish a report of the first Congress discussion on World Relations, by Sarah Sachs-Eldridge, from the England and Wales (Socialist Party) delegation. Other reports of the main discussions taking place at the 10th World Congress will follow over the next few days.
Millions have participated in demonstrations and general strikes in France. There have been general strikes in Greece, in Portugal, the biggest since the revolution of 1974, in Spain, and in India, involving 100 million workers. There has been a huge and partially victorious movement in South Africa, and many more expressions of anger at the most devastating crisis since the 1930s.
In introducing the discussion Peter Taaffe from the International Secretariat (IS) of the CWI, quoted WB Yeats - “All is changed, changed utterly” - to describe the events of the last few months, not least the poet’s home country, Ireland. Contributions to the discussion dealing with the countries of Africa, Asia, Latin America, North America, the Middle East, Europe and Eastern Europe made it clear that there is not one part of the world that has not been affected by the world economic crisis.
http://www.socialistworld.net/doc/4701
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